Saturday, July 31, 2004
 
NAME THAT MARRIAGE (CONT.): I've been thinking about the problem of what adjective to put in front of marriage, if we assume that some adjective is preferable to "traditional" and also, alas, necessary in order to suggest the heterosexual nature of marriage as an institution. Well, my candidate is conjugal. I know, I know -- it's an obscure, academic-sounding word. But it has the advantage of being accurate. Conjugal basically means of or relating to the married couple and their offspring and family. In other words, it suggests not merely the close relationship between the spouses, but also the bridging of the sex divide and the procreativity that comes with it.

Will "conjugal" focus group well? No. But it's the best word I can come up with. (Thanks to Dan Cere for first suggesting it.) But I'd still rather stay away from adjectives, period.



Friday, July 30, 2004
 
FROM SAINT PAUL:
Deadbeat dads. They might surprise you.

Sure, some are teenagers, as young as 15. Yes, most have been in
trouble with the law -- dealing, using. Some were gang members. They didn't
finish high school. Don't have a job.

But some decide they want to change. They walk and bus to a place they
heard about on Lake Street in Minneapolis to declare they want to be a
responsible parent and to admit, often with great shame, they don't know the
first thing about how to be one. Their fathers were never around.

"I don't want to be like him," they say.




 
An article in the Times about a stay-at-home mom who had a hard time buying a house after her divorce:

At  every turn in her hunt for a new home, Melissa Kleinholz was learning just how undesirable a buyer she was. As a newly divorced mother with primary custody of two daughters, she had been out of the work force for nearly six years.

Her real estate agent, her lawyer, her mortgage broker - all told her the same thing. "They said that co-op boards were going to look really hard at me," she said. "I was not part of a double-income situation and I didn't have a work history. I was a stay-at-home mom for so many years, and that is hurting me now."





Thursday, July 29, 2004
 
NEW REPORT FROM ACF: "A Comprehensive Framework for Marriage Education" by Alan Hawkins, Jason Carroll, Bill Doherty, and Brian Willoughby.  (One problem with these gov't reports is that they don't have a printer-friendly version.)



 
NEW STUDY ON THE MARRIAGE PREMIUM: The NY Times has a piece examining why married men have higher incomes than single men.  It does a good job of laying out both possible causal mechanisms and selection effects.  It also cites a new study on Minnesota twins:
The economists drew on a unique dataset, the Minnesota Twins Registry, which tracked most twins born in Minnesota between 1936 and 1955. ... Consistent with other studies, they found a significant marriage premium: controlling for education, age and other variables, the married men in their sample earned about 19 percent more than unmarried men.

They then examined just the wage differences between twins, while still controlling for education. They found that married twins had 26 percent higher wages than their unmarried siblings. Hence, even among very similar men, those who are married earn substantially more.
...
This result suggests that marriage really does have a causal impact on wages. Of course, it is not conclusive. After all, maybe the married twin really is different in some way from his brother, and that difference is important to both potential spouses and employers. Still, it is suggestive evidence.



 
NAME THAT MARRIAGE:  Regarding the problems connected with the new usage and meaning of the term "traditional marriage," Sarah Woods writes in to suggest taking the offensive and finding an adjective that works.  She offers and critiques some possible alternatives:

Healthy marriage ("I know you don't like it.")
Authentic marriage  ("I don't like it")  
Historic marriage ("too close to 'traditional'")
Stable marriage ("nah, healthy is better than that")
Robust marriage ("implies gays are anemic")
Evocative marriage ("can live with it ... captures the sense of high calling, sensuality, and ancient connection of heterosexual marriages while affirming the progressive movement towards gender equality")

She concludes: "I just think you've got to go on the offense here.  Put something out that you can live with.  Define it, justify it and push for it.  Or live with the frustration of having editors do it for you."

I take her point, and maybe her suggestion is a good one. But to me, any time we have to put an adjective in front of it, a qualifier of some kind, we lose.  Big, old, primary institutions have simple noun-names that everyone knows.  Having to stick even a nice adjective in front of it in order to make yourself understood is a sign that something is not right.

Sincerely yours -- the friendly, non-threatening David Blankenhorn




Wednesday, July 28, 2004
 
"TRADITIONAL" MARRIAGE (CONT.):  From an article in today's USA Today:
There's overwhelming evidence that children do best when raised by married, biological parents, adds David Blankenhorn, president of the pro-traditional marriage Institute for American Values, a New York think tank.
The reporter, Marilyn Elias, whom I respect, reviewed with me during our interview how she would describe me and the Institute.  No, she assured me, there would be no ideological label such as "liberal" or "conservative."  What about "pro-marriage," she asked?  Yes, I said, that is fair.  But now, thanks I'm sure to her editor, what actually runs is "pro-traditional marriage."  Like we are busily crusading for 1950s-style gender roles, or favor trying to go back to marriage forms that existed in earlier eras.  That is pretty much the opposite of what I and I think the great majority of my colleagues actually favor. 

But I can't even blame the editor.  When the topic is marriage, the word "traditional" now means "heterosexual," period, and therefore anyone who is not advocating SSM is said to be advocating that old grandma's nightgown, "traditional marriage."  I suspect that complaining about this to reporters will prove to be futile.



 
From a single mother in Texas:

"Dads, your sons need you -- to show them how to be men, how to live in this world, how to change a flat tire, put oil in a car, how to treat women with respect, how to be fathers someday.

"I thank God that my sons are basically good young men, but they are lacking in several aspects of their lives. There are things I cannot teach them, but God knows I have tried...."





 
PARENTHOOD AND CHOICE (CONT.):  Maggie Gallagher writes:

Think about this statement from Peggy Ornstein's NYT mag piece:
The idea that parenthood is a cultural creation conferred not by biology but by choice isn't new. It's the premise behind adoption. "Once you have legalized adoption, that's the end of the picture in terms of genetics," says Leonard Glantz, professor of health law at the Boston University School of Public Health. "It's a very broad statement of social policy by legislature that genetics and parenthood are different issues. "
If this is the case, why are we hounding single fathers for child support? Did they intend or choose to create a child?  Why is it uniquely men who are bound by biology while everyone else's parenthood is based on choice, not biology? Are we really going to be able to hang onto the idea that biology creates obligations under the new regime?  I note that when the Dept. of Health suggested changing Mass. birth certificates so they no longer read mother and fathers, it was Child Support Enforcement that objected.

I [David] would add that it's simply ridiculous to assert, as Leonard Glantz does, that the practice of adoption in human societies means "the end of the picture in terms of genetics" -- that is, adoption means that being a parent has nothing to do with biological ties to the child.  What utter nonsense! Adoption as a social institution is almost as old as marriage itself, and like marriage, adoption is a nearly universal human institution, intended to provide a child with a married mother father in those cases in which one or more of the biological parents is either dead or unable to function as a parent.  And in the long, largely impressive history of this human institution, no one has ever -- until Leonard Glantz,  about two minutes ago -- seriously suggested that adoption negates or "means the end" of the concept that parenthood in human societies is fundamentally connected to biology. 





Tuesday, July 27, 2004
 
This week in the New York Times Magazine there is a longish article about a lesbian couple's custody battle and the limitations of the current legal definitions of mother, father, and parent. As the author, Peggy Orenstein notes, "In this age of conceptions that can be simultaneously multipartied and immaculate - using egg donors, sperm donors, embryo donors, surrogates, even posthumous sperm - defining parenthood has become dizzyingly complex." In fact, the article itself does very little to explore just what makes a parent a parent (the idea that it might have something to do with blood relation is quickly dismissed), and certainly doesn't touch the issue of what makes a mother a mother or a father a father. The closest we seem to get is that parenthood, at least when reproductive technologies are involved, is created "by choice" or "intent." If you mean to be a parent, then you are, regardless of your actual biological relationship to the child in question. Of course, one of the many problems with that is that a person's intentions can change over time. How do we decide which point in time counts? Is it at conception? Well, on the one hand, my understanding is that fetal homicide laws rely on that rationale, but on the other hand, women can choose not to be a parent up until birth (and there are men out there who would like to have the same choice). Maybe it's birth, then, although I can imagine some problems with that, too. A person's intent at any time in the past can be pretty difficult to determine, as in the case of the lesbian couple whose story the piece revolves around. E. wanted to have a baby, but was infertile, so K. donated an egg, which was fertilized by an anonymous sperm donor. When she donated the eggs, K. had to sign a standard consent form which waived her rights to any children that resulted from them. Six years later, E. leaves with the kids and K. is left with very little legal ground on which to enforce what she sees as her parental rights. Now, E. argues that her intent all along was to be a single parent, while K. insists that they both intended to be the mothers of the child. Who knows, maybe we'll start seeing more pre-nats in addition to all those pre-nups so that everyone knows where everyone stands.

Orenstein also notes "the evolving notion of 'psychological parenthood,'" which some states will award to "a second mom or dad who wiped runny noses and helped with homework - who had a clear parental role regardless of the actual legal relationships." How exactly we can decide who has played a "parental role" (or even what that role might look like) without knowing what a parent is beyond me. Orenstein acknowledges the problems with this:
Some courts consider psychological parenthood a fuzzy, potentially dangerous concept. What would stop a stepparent, or even multiple stepparents, from suing for custody? Should anyone who is deeply involved in the day-to-day workings of a child's life be able to lay legal claim? Nancy Polikoff, a professor of law at American University and an expert on laws relating to gay parenting, argues that that won't happen. "The courts that have ruled that way have tried to be very careful about how they fashion a test, so that, for instance, a grandmother wouldn't be able to claim parental rights," she says. "You have to show that you have a parental relationship to the child and that the person with the legal rights intended for you to be a real parent."
So, "psychological parenthood" actually just goes back to using a parent's intent not just to determine whether or not he or she is a parent, but also who else might be parents. This just can't be right; children's needs should be coming first, not adults' preferences. Orenstein does finally note that, unlike other things that couples fight over when they break up, kids actually have independent rights and needs, but she offers a solution, gay marriage, that is less than complete:
It is, of course, the children's voices that are missing from this debate. What are their wishes, their feelings, their needs? As with heterosexual couples, gay partners in a hostile split will say and do hurtful things. They will use children as weapons. With no legal recognition of their families, however, without the possibility of marriage or, in some states, second-parent adoption, doing so is just that much easier. Ultimately, it is the children who suffer.
Now, I happen to find some version of this argument (that gay marriage is good for kids because gays and lesbians have kids, too) the most compelling one out there for gay marriage, but it is by no means a total answer to this problem of defining parenthood, which is brought about by the use of reproductive technology just as much as it is by same-sex couples. It's been possible for the baby of a heterosexual couple to have two "mothers" for a while now, and several of the bizarre senarios Orenstein suggests do not necessitate a same-sex couple:
How do we legally categorize a woman who gives birth to her own sibling? Or mothers who are akin to fathers, providing gametes but not gestating their offspring? What happens in divorce when a man denies paternity of a child his wife conceived, with his consent, using donor sperm?

In one mind-bending California case (most of the significant cases have emerged from that state), a couple used a donor egg and donor sperm to create an embryo that was then gestated by a surrogate. One month before the baby was born, the couple split up, and the husband refused responsibility for the child. A lower court found that the girl - whose creation involved five separate adults - had no parents whatsoever. (The decision was later overturned, and the divorcing couple were declared her mother and father. The mother got custody, and the father was ordered to pay child support.)
Eek. I certainly don't have any great solutions here, but legalizing gay marriage wouldn't totally solve this problem and changing our legal definitions of parenthood to suit adults' not-so-constant wants rather than childrens' rights and needs seems pretty unwise.



 
PER SE: I'm writing a review of Constance Ahrons' new book -- We're Still Family: What Grown Children Have to Say About Their Parents' Divorce. It takes up her good divorce thesis -- that it's not divorce that matters to kids but rather the way that parents divorce -- first developed in her 1992 book and wraps it around qualitative interviews conducted with 173 young adults from divorced families concluding, not too surprisingly, that the children of divorce have agreed with her all along.

More on that later, but for now, a good "per se" quote in her conclusion, in which she suggests that the real answer to the suffering of children of divorce is not less divorce or even happier marriages but, instead, better maternity leave, part-time work opportunities, health care, and child care. Thus:

"Although it can easily appear as if divorce itself is burdening children, when we take a closer look we see that the issue is not simply the structure of the family per se. It is the lack of sufficient resources." (p. 242, emphasis hers)

This, after a bookfull of quotations from young adults about their parents' divorces, in which many of them bemoaned the lack of a father at home, the abandonment they felt when parents starting dating or remarried, difficulties getting along with new stepsiblings, their distrust of relationships and intimacy now as adults... all things that sound like they have a lot to do with the divorce itself, and very little to do with the "resources" that Ahrons dwells on. (And don't get me wrong, I'm a Swede at heart and am all for universal health insurance and the rest of it...)



Monday, July 26, 2004
 
I've now read Caitlin Flanagan's first piece for the New Yorker (unfortunately not available online) about four times, and I'm still not entirely sure what I think of it. I'm inclined to like it, just because I've loved pretty much everything she's written in the past. The piece is mostly about when Flanagan's own mother went back to work in 1973. Flanagan was 12 years old at the time, and she felt abandoned by her mother's decision, a reaction she now considers selfish. The piece is a lot less opinionated that her previous work; it doesn't contain an exhortion to stay home with your kids or pay your nanny better or anything like that. But as I read and re-read, two main thoughts surfaced in my mind, which may or may not be things Flanagan was trying to get across. The first is just how different yesterday's housewife and today's stay-at-home mom are, a theme Flanagan also explored in this article for the Atlantic. Here are a few examples:

To be a child with a mother who possessed those two books [Dr. Spock and "The Settlement Cookbook"] and the cheerful willingness to follow their practical and time-honored suggestions was to live in a world that seems to me now a bygone age, as remote and unrecoverable as Camelot: a world of good meals turned out in orderly fashion, of fevers cooled without a single frantic call to the pediatrician, of clothes mended and pressed back into useful service rather than discarded to the rag heap as soon as a button pops or a sleeve unravels. If a household is a tiny state, as of course it is, then my mother was the potentate of ours...her subjects were assured of safety, continuity, comfort of the highest order. God was in his heaven, and a rump roast was in the oven, seasoned with salt, pepper, and ginger, and basted with fat from the pan.

This was before housewifery was understood to be an inherently oppressive state, before a marriage soured was a marriage abandoned; this was in the time when thrift and economy were still the cornerstones of middle-class American life.

Flanagan talks about her time as a latchkey kid:

No mother today who could afford to do otherwise would go to work without making any provision for her young child except to tie a key around her neck and hope for the best. My mother was by no means indifferent about me; I was her pet, the baby of the family. But children then were not under constant adult supervision, even if their mothers were housewives...Moreover, anxiety as a precondition of the maternal experience had not yet been invented. We kids were topped up with Salk vaccine, our fathers had saved the world, and our neighborhoods were chock-full of busybody housewives who delighted in scolding other people's errant children...

At age twelve, I wasn't doing much that required my mother's presence. The notion that after-school hours might constitute prime time for imporvement - athletic, academic, social, psychiatric - was still years away. When I think of what it was like to be a girl then, I remember an endless series of afternoons, each an ungraspable piece of time. I watched television, and hurtled perilously down our steep block on my Schwinn, and dressed the cats in baby clothes. Children didn't have "passions" and "talents"; we had hobbies and collections - glass animals and plastic horses for girls, baseball cards for boys, and stamps for geeks of both genders. These were activities that required no parental involvement and produced just as little quantifiable enrichment.

Mothers today aren't different from mothers yesterday just because there are more of them in the workplace, but our understanding of what motherhood entails has pretty fundamentally changed. In her earlier piece, "Housewife Confidential," Flanagan made the point that a housewife's first priority was really running the household, whereas today's stay-at-home mom has a housekeeper and possibly a nanny to do the dirty work. The stay-at-home mom is therefore free to follow her children around from flute lessons to soccer games to whatever the enriching activity of the moment is (I'm betting we'll start seeing SAT prep classes for preschoolers in the next few years). The job of the housewife was to create a home; the job of a stay-at-hom mom is to raise children or at least chauffeur them from one activity to the next.

Flanagan also makes that ever important distinction between different kinds of working mothers. Here's the kind she's talking about:
Mothers with professional training are thick on the ground these days, and their desire to work is at once more complex and more profound than Spock imagined. A woman with an education and a desire to take part in the business of the world - someone who wants a public life even a thousandth as vital and exciting as Spock's - may not be uniquely suited to the simple routines of child care. In fact, the life of the nursery can handily diminish what is most hard-fought-for in a person. It isn't simply a matter of "extra money" or "satisfaction." For many women, the choice amounts to the terrible prospect of either relinquishing a measure of influence over their children or abandoning - to some extent - the work they love. For them, this will always be the stuff of grinding anxiety and regret.
The same is not true of men. Having a job is not an obstacle to being a good father, it's a requirement. This all leads to the second thing that struck me while reading this piece: for many mothers, working is something they do entirely for themselves. This is much different from saying that all working mothers are selfish or that all working mothers are neglecting their children. I think Flanagan is simply acknowledging that running a house isn't all that fun, particularly for women who were trained to do something they find much more fun, and that women often need something else to do that is more enjoyable. In this day and age, when people are what they do, that means getting a job:
If she had lived in another time or place, certain solutions to these familiar and perhaps inevitable discontents might have presented themselves. She might have hosted faculty-wife teas or read "Middlemarch" or taken up watercolor. But my mother climbed off that steppladder during a moment when there was a single panacea for what ailed her: work.
Work is not something Flanagan's mother feels she needs to do to be a liberated women. Nor does her family need her economic contribution. She just enjoys it. When all of her other activities are focused on those around her, her job as a nurse is something she does entirely for the sake of her own enjoyment. Flanagan clearly doesn't think this is mutually exclusive with being a good mother, although one also gets the impression that she would happily admit that some working mothers are ignoring their children's needs.

My peers, to the extent that they do think about their future as mothers (I'm 22), know that the tension between work and family will eventually be a big issue for them, a much bigger issue than for their husbands. Some of them think it's unfair and some think it's the way things are supposed to be, but all of them seem to reach for absolute answers: being a working mom will either have no affect on one's children or be the worst thing that could possibly happen to them, staying home is either completely unimportant or totally necessary. Flanagan admits that at one time she felt the latter, and I think this piece is in many ways just a description of the things that lead to her believe there isn't, unfortunately, an easy answer, just plenty of "grinding anxiety and regret." If working is something that many women do for themselves, that doesn't have to mean it's selfish, but neither does it mean it's the most important thing you do just because it's self-expressive or what have you. This seems to be the sentiment behind the story Flanagan closes the piece with, a description of her mother's memorial service:
An overflow crowd sat on wooden folding chairs in my parents' garden and ate lunch. Then everyone pressed into the living room for the speeches. People remembered the countless dinner parties my mother had thrown over the years, and also the encouragement she had given with her famous pepe talks and cheery phone calls, the excursions she would plan if anybody was feeling low. Sitting on her writing desk in a corner, unnoticed and unremarked upon, was her old nursing school portrait, which had been taken in a photographer's studio more than half a century earlier, and which she had paid for wih her very first wages.




 
Two links about the Marriage Protection Act, which would strip federal courts of the ability to rule on the constitutionality of DOMA and which passed the House 233-194 last week:

A New York Times editorial (surprise!) against it.

Josh Chafetz of Oxblog argues that the Marriage Protection Act is unconstitutional.



 
QUEER ACTIVIST SETTLES DOWN: A touching personal essay in TNR.  I recommend the whole piece, but here's the take-home point:
But why did we want to do it at all? Years ago, when we first got together, we teased a jealous friend by announcing that we would soon be traveling to the United States to get married. The idea that we would want to seemed even more absurd than the possibility that the United States would legalize such marriages.
...
"Does this mean I now have to call her your wife?" asked my old friend Laurie, one of the most outspoken gay opponents of same-sex marriage. I've always cringed when someone referred to a same-sex partner as a "husband" or "wife." But it seems now I should refer to Svenya that way. I've never liked the sterile partner, preferring, whenever possible, to use the youthful girlfriend, but over the years I've come to appreciate the privacy-protecting lack of clarity inherent in both terms. (Russians are generally more likely to understand girlfriend to mean just a friend, and Europeans often refer to heterosexual mates as partners.) Now it seems like this visibility action will continue for the rest of our lives. Which again raises the question of why we did it. Because we could, and also because this was the first time we made our relationship visible in such a way that other people were moved to tears. And yes, I do think that the visibility, combined with the memory of listening to my wife's breath when we were wrapped in the prayer shawl, will help hold up the walls of our home. 



Sunday, July 25, 2004
 
VALUES (CONT.):  A commentator on NPR and in the San Francisco Chronicle doesn't like the politics of the word "values."  Thus:
By now, in fact, adjectives like "mainstream" and "traditional" aren't really necessary -- the bare word "values" alone evokes all those hot-button cultural issues that are summed up as "God, guns, and gays." During last fall's Democratic primaries, Joe Lieberman could say "(the Republicans) can't say I'm weak on values," and everybody understood that he was talking about his religious convictions and his campaign against sex and violence in the media, not his views on Enron, the environment, or the Iraq war. And when you run into an organization with a name like the American Values Coalition or the Institute for American Values, you can be confident that the American values in question aren't things like "different strokes for different folks" or "a fair day's pay for a day's work" -- nor for that matter, "pick up after yourself," which is how my mother used to sum up her position on environmental policy.
Fair enough, I suppose.  Though this guy should not be so "confident" that people in my organization never favor different strokes for different folks, a fair day's pay, or picking up after yourself -- in other words, values other than what he considers to be politically right-wing values.  I don't mean to be defensive, and as I say, I take his main point, but I would be willing him to bet him a New York lunch that my views are more politically heterodox than his are.



 
From City Journal: "Redefining Marriage Away," by David L. Tubbs and Robert P. George.



 
DOES A FAT DOG FIGHT?:  Daniel Okrent, the public editor (omsbudsman) of the NYT, in today's column asks, "Is the New York Times a liberal newspaper?"  And with refreshing directness answers: "Of course it is." For example:
The gay marriage issue provides a perfect example. Set aside the editorial page, the columnists or the lengthy article in the magazine ("Toward a More Perfect Union," by David J. Garrow, May 9) that compared the lawyers who won the Massachusetts same-sex marriage lawsuit to Thurgood Marshall and Martin Luther King. That's all fine, especially for those of us who believe that homosexual couples should have precisely the same civil rights as heterosexuals. But for those who also believe the news pages cannot retain their credibility unless all aspects of an issue are subject to robust examination, it's disappointing to see The Times present the social and cultural aspects of same-sex marriage in a tone that approaches cheerleading. So far this year, front-page headlines have told me that "For Children of Gays, Marriage Brings Joy," (March 19, 2004); that the family of "Two Fathers, With One Happy to Stay at Home," (Jan. 12, 2004) is a new archetype; and that "Gay Couples Seek Unions in God's Eyes," (Jan. 30, 2004). I've learned where gay couples go to celebrate their marriages; I've met gay couples picking out bridal dresses; I've been introduced to couples who have been together for decades and have now sanctified their vows in Canada, couples who have successfully integrated the world of competitive ballroom dancing, couples whose lives are the platonic model of suburban stability. Every one of these articles was perfectly legitimate. Cumulatively, though, they would make a very effective ad campaign for the gay marriage cause. You wouldn't even need the articles: run the headlines over the invariably sunny pictures of invariably happy people that ran with most of these pieces, and you'd have the makings of a life insurance commercial. This implicit advocacy is underscored by what hasn't appeared. Apart from one excursion into the legal ramifications of custody battles ("Split Gay Couples Face Custody Hurdles," by Adam Liptak and Pam Belluck, March 24), potentially nettlesome effects of gay marriage have been virtually absent from The Times since the issue exploded last winter. The San Francisco Chronicle runs an uninflected article about Congressional testimony from a Stanford scholar making the case that gay marriage in the Netherlands has had a deleterious effect on heterosexual marriage. The Boston Globe explores the potential impact of same-sex marriage on tax revenues, and the paucity of reliable research on child-rearing in gay families. But in The Times, I have learned next to nothing about these issues, nor about partner abuse in the gay community, about any social difficulties that might be encountered by children of gay couples or about divorce rates (or causes, or consequences) among the 7,000 couples legally joined in Vermont since civil union was established there four years ago. On a topic that has produced one of the defining debates of our time, Times editors have failed to provide the three-dimensional perspective balanced journalism requires.
Well stated.